The transgender activist movement has been so successful in “no-platforming” every objection to its goals that even the conservatives I interviewed on the topic at the 2017 Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) were unaware that there are valid objections.
For starters, first, there’s no way to include men in the definition of women without harming natal women (i.e. humans born as women). Second, there’s no such thing as a transgender child because almost all the children who persist for years in saying that they are the opposite sex are cured by puberty and brain maturity IF they have not been socially or medically transitioned. Most come out as gay or lesbian. This means that socially or medically transitioning children is a form of anti-gay conversion therapy since it is “transing away the gay,” thereby wiping out the next generation of lesbians and gays.
The drugs being used to convert children to transgender have the benign-sounding name of “puberty blockers,” but they are also known as “chemical castration.” A known effect of chemically castrating pubertal children is sterilization, but if the experience of natal male transgender reality star Jazz Jennings is common, another result may be depriving them of having a sex drive and any sexual orientation.
There is no way that doing that to children is on the right side of history.
I am grateful to Bombthrowers for inviting me to cover the totalitarian nature of the transgender activist movement and alert its readers to dangers and solutions that I cover in-depth in my forthcoming book, War in the Women’s Room: How to Get Men in Dresses Out of Women’s Spaces and Save Your Children from Confusion about Their Sex, published by Dangerous Books.
Let me begin by fisking this October 8 story by Donna St. George in the Washington Post, a media outlet that is smothering equality for women, safety for children, and reality for everyone in the darkness of transgender activist propaganda. And to be clear, transgender activist propaganda is killing transgender people, too, not as unintended collateral damage, but as expendable pawns in a larger struggle for power.
It doesn’t have to be like that. My book explains a better way.
The most powerful persuasion is visual, so the reporter begins with the story of a girl and a photo of her crying, only revealing her true power and confidence much later:
When James van Kuilenburg used the bathroom at his Maryland high school, he always worried. Would he be taunted by his classmates? Would he be shamed or beaten? Most of the time, he avoided the risk altogether.
“You don’t feel safe,” the teenager said, five years after coming out as transgender.
James is a girl. The reporter saves the details of her coming out at age 12 for later in the story along with the key information that James is a powerful transgender activist capable of destroying the lives of everyone in her way. The timing of her coming out coincides with the fact that until the last four or five years, the vast majority of young transgenders were boys who grew up to be gay. Now the majority are girls.
The difference is due to transgenderism as a social contagion, comparable to the pandemic of bulimia, spread through social media. Transgender activists, online and in real life, pounce on teenage girls who come out as lesbian and work them over until they decide their attraction to other girls means they are transgender. Transgender activists even give them scripts, which include instructions to trample the rights of others while wailing for pity and calling it bullying when anyone objects.
But van Kuilenburg and others in Frederick County hope this year marks a turning point across the Maryland system’s 67 schools as a new policy takes hold that is regarded as one of the most progressive in the state.
I moved to Maryland in 1964 and lived there most of my life. Until the 1980s, Frederick County was a recreational destination for its lakes and woods, but now it is among “the most progressive in the state” because of a combination of factors, including white flight out of Montgomery County driven primarily by a large influx of illegal immigrants who wrecked one of the top school systems in the country, which I witnessed as a Montgomery County Realtor in the late 1990s. Inclusion for thee, but not for me.
The policy spells out that bathrooms and locker rooms should be used according to gender identity and provides alternatives for students uncomfortable for any reason. It also covers privacy, preferred names, dress codes for major events and participation in sports teams.
“I see it as one of the most comprehensive transgender student policies in the country,” said Jabari Lyles, executive director of GLSEN Maryland, which advocates for LGBT students on issues of education.
Some in Frederick see the policy’s adoption — in a growing exurb of Washington once viewed as largely rural and conservative — as a reflection of changing politics, greater diversity, dogged student activism and a school board that did not shy away from a contentious issue.
The reporter leaves out the two most destructive features of the new policy. I can’t find the policy linked online, but a description of it from the Frederick News-Post from June 14, 2017, when the Frederick County Board of Education passed the policy, is more complete.
First, the policy is not clear on what parents have the right to know. Transgender activists are zealous about keeping their actions secret and insist that schools adopt policies that allow them to violate the rights of others while depriving everyone else of the right to know what is happening and object. They insist that parents have no right to know when their child will be sharing sleeping quarters, bathrooms, and changing rooms with opposite-sex children on overnight school trips. Their rationale is that the child has in fact changed sex by changing his or her gender identity.
Transgender activists also want schools not to inform parents when their children are being indoctrinated with transgender dogmas, such as the claim that biological sex differences have no importance and that only gender identity counts.
In addition, transgender activists want to take control of children in secret by forcing schools to socially transition children without the knowledge or permission of their parents. They are seeking to have children taken from their parents by Child Protective Services if the parents oppose transitioning their child, even when the parents are progressives who think their child is actually gay and are okay with it.
Second, transgender students may participate in sports according to their gender identity. This is a triumph for mediocre male athletes who can now dominate girls’ sports with impunity, destroy a generation of female athletes in every sport, and make off with sports scholarships intended for actual girls. Serena Williams is the best female tennis player in history, but a man with her stats would only rank about 700 on the men’s circuit. If boys had been allowed to beat her as a teen, how rich and famous would she be now?
“It was sort of unstoppable,” said Alicia Barmon, a Frederick psychotherapist who joined in rallies and meetings.
Really? There are plenty in her profession who are worried that transgender activism has made it impossible for them to practice their profession ethically by ruling out conditions that mimic transgenderism, such as same-sex attraction, a history of abuse, and Autism Spectrum Disorder.
But critics have spoken out, too. A suit was recently filed on behalf of a mother and her 15-year-old daughter, asserting the girl’s rights to bodily privacy and saying the teen fears for her safety and feels humiliated to undress in front of “the opposite sex.” The family’s attorney, Dan Cox, an unsuccessful Republican candidate for Congress last year, declined to comment on the suit, which at points invokes totalitarian regimes and Nazi death camps.
Frederick school officials will soon respond to the complaint in court, said attorney Donny English. “We look forward to defending our policy, which we think is inclusive and respects everyone’s rights,” he said.
It is humiliating not only to be forced to undress in front of the opposite sex, but also to be forced to deny reality and say that this person is not the opposite sex. Forcing people to tell lies to break them is exactly what totalitarian regimes do.
The push for change started in February, when van Kuilenburg and others went to Frederick’s school board as the Trump administration revoked federal guidance that said transgender students have the right to use public school restrooms that match their gender identity. They said they felt unsafe and urged local action.
“There’s no procedure, and there’s no policy,” testified Maxx Frazier, a transgender student who is 15, “and it’s worrying because right now with the election and the results of that, a lot of people feel they have the right to hate.”
Led by van Kuilenburg, who attends Gov. Thomas Johnson High School in Frederick, students told the board about school experiences — crude comments, fear of harassment, being outed when teachers use the wrong name. They organized an email campaign, launched a Facebook page and held two rallies. They were joined by parents, classmates, educators and community members.
Click to the Frederick News-Post story and you’ll see the real, domineering James van Kuilenberg, confident of victory because she is backed by a coalition of transgender activist nonprofits worth over half a billion dollars, funded by foundations and donors with billions of dollars to throw at this coup taking children hostage in the place where Americans believe their children are safest: their schools.
“We see this as being on the right side of history, and an overall sign of fairness,” said Tyler Oyler, 34, the owner of a craft brewery who heard about the effort through social media.
De-transitioners, who are mostly young women who were exactly like James when they were teens, are saying that transgender activists told them transition was the only treatment option for their distress. Then they grew up a little more and found out it wasn’t. Transgender activists “no platform” de-transitioners because de-transitioners show the current goals of transgender activists are harmful to almost everyone, especially women, children, and transgender people. They are neither fair nor on the right side of history.
The Frederick deliberations came at a time of flux nationally, with both the Trump administration’s action and a U.S. Supreme Court decision to remand a key case — involving Virginia student Gavin Grimm — to a lower court, leaving many without the legal clarity they sought.
Some school districts have responded with local policies, as Frederick did, but a large majority are accommodating students on a case-by-case basis, out of the spotlight, said Francisco M. Negron Jr., chief legal officer for the National School Boards Association.
Transgender activists oppose case-by-case accommodations because they block them from getting control of entire schools, or county school systems, which prevents them from forcing children into using language and performing activities that cause them to lie and say it is possible to change your sex and that chosen gender supersedes biological sex. Again, forcing people to lie and getting control of their children are standard moves in the totalitarian playbook.
Dozens of legal complaints have been filed in recent years on both sides of the debate, he said.
“The priority for schools is keeping students safe, and they are squarely in the middle of this,” he said.
Parents would be wise to assume that the priority for boards of education is virtue-signaling. They should also look into the pressure the wealthy and powerful transgender activist organizations put into no-platforming everyone who objects.
The policy that emerged in Frederick largely reflected what the district was already doing on key issues such as bathrooms but it is more clear and concrete, with the idea of increasing consistency and compliance, supporters say.
Teachers backed the change, said Melissa Dirks, president of the Frederick County Teachers Association. “It’s brought a peace of mind to our students that they will be treated more fairly and equitably, and has also brought about more training for staff,” she said.
Was there a survey conducted of how girls feel about boys getting to beat them out of a spot in a girls’ team, or how they feel about naked, intact boys in their showers? If not, why didn’t the girls get to weigh in anonymously, safe from the destructive powers of the transgender activist smear machine?
But as the board voted in June, opponents spoke out.
“One of our problems with this policy is it appears to be concerned only with the rights and affirmations of transgender students,” said Cindy Rose, speaking for the Republican Women of Frederick County. “Will there be a policy protecting the band geek, the math nerd and the other children who have felt unwelcome and bullied for decades? Will they get a similar carve-out?”
Rose described the issue as a question of privacy rights and “whether boys should be able to watch girls undress and vice versa.”
Other critics cited a greater risk of emotional distress or sexual assault, and a string of speakers took issue with a privacy provision that allows students to express a gender identity at school that parents potentially may not know about.
Forcing schools to transition children without their parents’ knowledge is a point transgender activists always write into every policy they can.
As board members voted, several recounted months of getting to know an unfamiliar subject and thinking it through.
“My opinions have changed, and a lot of the concerns I had I find no longer to be valid,” board member Ken Kerr said.
Board member Michael Bunitsky compared the issue with other historical flash points: integrated schools, voting rights, women’s rights.
“What was once controversial we now consider to be as American as apple pie,” he said.
The transgender movement is unique among civil rights movements in that it takes away rights from women and children.
Van Kuilenburg held up his transgender flag after the policy passed, 5 to 1, with the student member also in favor. He hugged friends and supporters. That night, he cried. The 17-year-old describes the policy as “perfect,” a change he never imagined.
“We created history in Frederick County,” he said.
The triumphant James Van Kuilenberg is the real James Van Kuilenberg.
He recalled that when he came out as transgender at age 12, the principal at his West Virginia middle school had no idea what to do. The principal told the then-seventh-grader to use the bathroom in the nurse’s office and removed him from his P.E. class, he said.
“The years I felt completely hopeless,” he said, “and I felt that nothing would get better — it was all worth it.”
Transgender indoctrination works hard to make the teens it targets feel hopeless.
Students say they recognize that the policy won’t change everything immediately, but it has begun to make a difference.
Asher Burrows, 15, who identifies as neither male nor female, recalls being singled out last year for dress code violations that seemed vague and related to clothing that teachers appeared to consider too feminine.
“It’s very embarrassing,” the teenager said. “It makes me feel that I am not allowed to wear the clothes that make me feel comfortable in my own skin.”
This year, there have been fewer such moments, the teenager said.
Van Kuilenburg said he thinks school is more welcoming — and so is the county he lives in.
With the lawsuit challenging the policy underway, students and their allies launched another social media campaign to show the breadth of their support. They asked people to contribute photos of themselves with a sign that says “#IAmFrederick and I support trans youth because . . . ”
“No child should be afraid to be themselves!” one person wrote.
Said another: “School should be about learning, not survival.”
Supporters of the rights of girls, gays, and reality definitely should be afraid to be themselves. And don’t expect girls’ sports to survive.
It is very telling that the pro-transgender students and their well-funded and powerful allies are beginning a social media campaign in response to the “lawsuit challenging the policy.” It will follow the pattern of the one that brought them victory in Whitaker v. Kenosha Unified School District in Wisconsin earlier this year, which used a teenaged girl to force children to deny the biological reality of the binary sexes in accordance with transgender activist dogmas.
The pro-transgender social media campaign will serve as a powerful tool of persuasion to deceive and convert supporters, no-platform and smear all objections, and terrorize anyone who defends girls, gays, and reality itself from the totalitarian transgender activist onslaught.